Laws
by Plato
translated by Benjamin Jowett
Book V
PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE:
An ATHENIAN STRANGER;
CLEINIAS, a Cretan;
MEGILLUS, a Lacedaemonian
[Athenian Stranger] Listen, all ye who have just now heard the
laws about Gods, and about our dear forefathers:-Of all the
things which a man has, next to the Gods, his soul is the most
divine and most truly his own. Now in every man there are two
parts: the better and superior, which rules, and the worse and
inferior, which serves; and the ruling part of him is always to
be preferred to the subject. Wherefore I am right in bidding
every one next to the Gods, who are our masters, and those who in
order follow them [i.e., the demons], to honour his own soul,
which every one seems to honour, but no one honours as he ought;
for honour is a divine good, and no evil thing is honourable; and
he who thinks that he can honour the soul by word or gift, or any
sort of compliance, without making her in any way better, seems
to honour her, but honours her not at all. For example, every
man, from his very boyhood, fancies that he is able to know
everything, and thinks that he honours his soul by praising her,
and he is very ready to let her do whatever she may like. But I
mean to say that in acting thus he injures his soul, and is far
from honouring her; whereas, in our opinion, he ought to honour
her as second only to the Gods. Again, when a man thinks that
others are to be blamed, and not himself, for the errors which he
has committed from time to time, and the many and great evils
which befell him in consequence, and is always fancying himself
to be exempt and innocent, he is under the idea that he is
honouring his soul; whereas the very reverse is the fact, for he
is really injuring her. And when, disregarding the word and
approval of the legislator, he indulges in pleasure, then again
he is far from honouring her; he only dishonours her, and fills
her full of evil and remorse; or when he does not endure to the
end the labours and fears and sorrows and pains which the
legislator approves, but gives way before them, then, by
yielding, he does not honour the soul, but by all such conduct he
makes her to be dishonourable; nor when he thinks that life at
any price is a good, does he honour her, but yet once more he
dishonours her; for the soul having a notion that the world below
is all evil, he yields to her, and does not resist and teach or
convince her that, for aught she knows, the world of the Gods
below, instead of being evil, may be the greatest of all goods.
Again, when any one prefers beauty to virtue, what is this but
the real and utter dishonour of the soul? For such a preference
implies that the body is more honourable than the soul; and this
is false, for there is nothing of earthly birth which is more
honourable than the heavenly, and he who thinks otherwise of the
soul has no idea how greatly he undervalues this wonderful
possession; nor, again, when a person is willing, or not
unwilling, to acquire dishonest gains, does he then honour his
soul with gifts-far otherwise; he sells her glory and honour for
a small piece of gold; but all the gold which is under or upon
the earth is not enough to give in exchange for virtue. In a
word, I may say that he who does not estimate the base and evil,
the good and noble, according to the standard of the legislator,
and abstain in every possible way from the one and practise the
other to the utmost of his power, does not know that in all these
respects he is most foully and disgracefully abusing his soul,
which is the divinest part of man; for no one, as I may say, ever
considers that which is declared to be the greatest penalty of
evil-doing--namely, to grow into the likeness of bad men, and
growing like them to fly from the conversation of the good, and
be cut off from them, and cleave to and follow after the company
of the bad. And he who is joined to them must do and suffer what
such men by nature do and say to one another-a suffering which is
not justice but retribution; for justice and the just are noble,
whereas retribution is the suffering which waits upon injustice;
and whether a man escape or endure this, he is miserable-in the
former case, because he is not cured; while in the latter, he
perishes in order that the rest of mankind may be saved.
Speaking generally, our glory is to follow the better and
improve the inferior, which is susceptible of improvement, as far
as this is possible. And of all human possessions, the soul is by
nature most inclined to avoid the evil, and track out and find
the chief good; which when a man has found, he should take up his
abode with it during the remainder of his life. Wherefore the
soul also is second [or next to God] in honour; and third, as
every one will perceive, comes the honour of the body in natural
order. Having determined this, we have next to consider that
there is a natural honour of the body, and that of honours some
are true and some are counterfeit. To decide which are which is
the business of the legislator; and he, I suspect, would intimate
that they are as follows:-Honour is not to be given to the fair
body, or to the strong or the swift or the tall, or to the
healthy body (although many may think otherwise), any more than
to their opposites; but the mean states of all these habits are
by far the safest and most moderate; for the one extreme makes
the soul braggart and insolent, and the other, illiberal and
base; and money, and property, and distinction all go to the same
tune. The excess of any of these things is apt to be a source of
hatreds and divisions among states and individuals; and the
defect of them is commonly a cause of slavery. And, therefore, I
would not have any one fond of heaping up riches for the sake of
his children, in order that he may leave them as rich as possible.
For the possession of great wealth is of no use, either to them
or to the state. The condition of youth which is free from
flattery, and at the same time not in need of the necessaries of
life, is the best and most harmonious of all, being in accord and
agreement with our nature, and making life to be most entirely
free from sorrow. Let parents, then, bequeath to their children
not a heap of riches, but the spirit of reverence. We, indeed,
fancy that they will inherit reverence from us, if we rebuke them
when they show a want of reverence. But this quality is not
really imparted to them by the present style of admonition, which
only tells them that the young ought always to be reverential. A
sensible legislator will rather exhort the elders to reverence
the younger, and above all to take heed that no young man sees or
hears one of themselves doing or saying anything disgraceful; for
where old men have no shame, there young men will most certainly
be devoid of reverence. The best way of training the young is to
train yourself at the same time; not to admonish them, but to be
always carrying out your own admonitions in practice. He who
honours his kindred, and reveres those who share in the same Gods
and are of the same blood and family, may fairly expect that the
Gods who preside over generation will be propitious to him, and
will quicken his seed. And he who deems the services which his
friends and acquaintances do for him, greater and more important
than they themselves deem them, and his own favours to them less
than theirs to him, will have their good-will in the intercourse
of life. And surely in his relations to the state and his fellow
citizens, he is by far the best, who rather than the Olympic or
any other victory of peace or war, desires to win the palm of
obedience to the laws of his country, and who, of all mankind, is
the person reputed to have obeyed them best through life. In his
relations to strangers, a man should consider that a contract is
a most holy thing, and that all concerns and wrongs of strangers
are more directly dependent on the protection of God, than wrongs
done to citizens; for the stranger, having no kindred and
friends, is more to be pitied by Gods and men. Wherefore, also,
he who is most able to avenge him is most zealous in his cause;
and he who is most able is the genius and the god of the
stranger, who follow in the train of Zeus, the god of strangers.
And for this reason, he who has a spark of caution in him, will
do his best to pass through life without sinning against the
stranger. And of offences committed, whether against strangers or
fellow-countrymen, that against suppliants is the greatest. For
the god who witnessed to the agreement made with the suppliant,
becomes in a special manner the guardian of the sufferer; and he
will certainly not suffer unavenged.
Thus we have fairly described the manner in which a man is to
act about his parents, and himself, and his own affairs; and in
relation to the state, and his friends, and kindred, both in what
concerns his own countrymen, and in what concerns the stranger.
We will now consider what manner of man he must be who would best
pass through life in respect of those other things which are not
matters of law, but of praise and blame only; in which praise and
blame educate a man, and make him more tractable and amenable to
the laws which are about to be imposed.
Truth is the beginning of every good thing, both to Gods and
men; and he who would be blessed and happy, should be from the
first a partaker of the truth, that he may live a true man as
long as possible, for then he can be trusted; but he is not to be
trusted who loves voluntary falsehood, and he who loves
involuntary falsehood is a fool. Neither condition is enviable,
for the untrustworthy and ignorant has no friend, and as time
advances he becomes known, and lays up in store for himself
isolation in crabbed age when life is on the wane: so that,
whether his children or friends are alive or not, he is equally
solitary.-Worthy of honour is he who does no injustice, and of
more than twofold honour, if he not only does no injustice
himself, but hinders others from doing any; the first may count
as one man, the second is worth many men, because he informs the
rulers of the injustice of others. And yet more highly to be
esteemed is he who co-operates with the rulers in correcting the
citizens as far as he can-he shall be proclaimed the great and
perfect citizen, and bear away the palm of virtue. The same
praise may be given about temperance and wisdom, and all other
goods which may be imparted to others, as well as acquired by a
man for himself; he who imparts them shall be honoured as the man
of men, and he who is willing, yet is not able, may be allowed
the second place; but he who is jealous and will not, if he can
help, allow others to partake in a friendly way of any good, is
deserving of blame: the good, however, which he has, is not to be
undervalued by us because it is possessed by him, but must be
acquired by us also to the utmost of our power. Let every man,
then, freely strive for the prize of virtue, and let there be no
envy. For the unenvious nature increases the greatness of states-he
himself contends in the race, blasting the fair fame of no man;
but the envious, who thinks that he ought to get the better by
defaming others, is less energetic himself in the pursuit of true
virtue, and reduces his rivals to despair by his unjust slanders
of them. And so he makes the whole city to enter the arena
untrained in the practice of virtue, and diminishes her glory as
far as in him lies. Now every man should be valiant, but he
should also be gentle. From the cruel, or hardly curable, or
altogether incurable acts of injustice done to him by others, a
man can only escape by fighting and defending himself and
conquering, and by never ceasing to punish them; and no man who
is not of a noble spirit is able to accomplish this. As to the
actions of those who do evil, but whose evil is curable, in the
first place, let us remember that the unjust man is not unjust of
his own free will. For no man of his own free will would choose
to possess the greatest of evils, and least of all in the most
honourable part of himself. And the soul, as we said, is of a
truth deemed by all men the most honourable. In the soul, then,
which is the most honourable part of him, no one, if he could
help, would admit, or allow to continue the greatest of evils.
The unrighteous and vicious are always to be pitied in any case;
and one can afford to forgive as well as pity him who is curable,
and refrain and calm one's anger, not getting into a passion,
like a woman, and nursing ill-feeling. But upon him who is
incapable of reformation and wholly evil, the vials of our wrath
should be poured out; wherefore I say that good men ought, when
occasion demands, to be both gentle and passionate.
Of all evils the greatest is one which in the souls of most
men is innate, and which a man is always excusing in himself and
never correcting; mean, what is expressed in the saying that
"Every man by nature is and ought to be his own friend."
Whereas the excessive love of self is in reality the source to
each man of all offences; for the lover is blinded about the
beloved, so that he judges wrongly of the just, the good, and the
honourable, and thinks that he ought always to prefer himself to
the truth. But he who would be a great man ought to regard, not
himself or his interests, but what is just, whether the just act
be his own or that of another. Through a similar error men are
induced to fancy that their own ignorance is wisdom, and thus we
who may be truly said to know nothing, think that we know all
things; and because we will not let others act for us in what we
do not know, we are compelled to act amiss ourselves. Wherefore
let every man avoid excess of self-love, and condescend to follow
a better man than himself, not allowing any false shame to stand
in the way. There are also minor precepts which are often
repeated, and are quite as useful; a man should recollect them
and remind himself of them. For when a stream is flowing out,
there should be water flowing in too; and recollection flows in
while wisdom is departing. Therefore I say that a man should
refrain from excess either of laughter or tears, and should
exhort his neighbour to do the same; he should veil his
immoderate sorrow or joy, and seek to behave with propriety,
whether the genius of his good fortune remains with him, or
whether at the crisis of his fate, when he seems to be mounting
high and steep places, the Gods oppose him in some of his
enterprises. Still he may ever hope, in the case of good men,
that whatever afflictions are to befall them in the future God
will lessen, and that present evils he will change for the
better; and as to the goods which are the opposite of these
evils, he will not doubt that they will be added to them, and
that they will be fortunate. Such should be men's hopes, and such
should be the exhortations with which they admonish one another,
never losing an opportunity, but on every occasion distinctly
reminding themselves and others of all these things, both in jest
and earnest.
Enough has now been said of divine matters, both as touching
the practices which men ought to follow, and as to the sort of
persons who they ought severally to be. But of human things we
have not as yet spoken, and we must; for to men we are
discoursing and not to Gods. Pleasures and pains and desires are
a part of human nature, and on them every mortal being must of
necessity hang and depend with the most eager interest. And
therefore we must praise the noblest life, not only as the
fairest in appearance, but as being one which, if a man will only
taste, and not, while still in his youth, desert for another, he
will find to surpass also in the very thing which we all of us
desire-I mean in having a greater amount of pleasure and less of
pain during the whole of life. And this will be plain, if a man
has a true taste of them, as will be quickly and clearly seen.
But what is a true taste? That we have to learn from the argument-the
point being what is according to nature, and what is not
according to nature. One life must be compared with another, the
more pleasurable with the more painful, after this manner:-We
desire to have pleasure, but we neither desire nor choose pain;
and the neutral state we are ready to take in exchange, not for
pleasure but for pain; and we also wish for less pain and greater
pleasure, but less pleasure and greater pain we do not wish for;
and an equal balance of either we cannot venture to assert that
we should desire. And all these differ or do not differ severally
in number and magnitude and intensity and equality, and in the
opposites of these when regarded as objects of choice, in
relation to desire. And such being the necessary order of things,
we wish for that life in which there are many great and intense
elements of pleasure and pain, and in which the pleasures are in
excess, and do not wish for that in which the opposites exceed;
nor, again, do we wish for that in which the clements of either
are small and few and feeble, and the pains exceed. And when, as
I said before, there is a balance of pleasure and pain in life,
this is to be regarded by us as the balanced life; while other
lives are preferred by us because they exceed in what we like, or
are rejected by us because they exceed in what we dislike. All
the lives of men may be regarded by us as bound up in these, and
we must also consider what sort of lives we by nature desire. And
if we wish for any others, I say that we desire them only through
some ignorance and inexperience of the lives which actually exist.
Now, what lives are they, and how many in which, having
searched out and beheld the objects of will and desire and their
opposites, and making of them a law, choosing, I say, the dear
and the pleasant and the best and noblest, a man may live in the
happiest way possible? Let us say that the temperate life is one
kind of life, and the rational another, and the courageous
another, and the healthful another; and to these four let us
oppose four other lives-the foolish, the cowardly, the
intemperate, the diseased. He who knows the temperate life will
describe it as in all things gentle, having gentle pains and
gentle pleasures, and placid desires and loves not insane;
whereas the intemperate life is impetuous in all things, and has
violent pains and pleasures, and vehement and stinging desires,
and loves utterly insane; and in the temperate life the pleasures
exceed the pains, but in the intemperate life the pains exceed
the pleasures in greatness and number and frequency. Hence one of
the two lives is naturally and necessarily more pleasant and the
other more painful, and he who would live pleasantly cannot
possibly choose to live intemperately. And if this is true, the
inference clearly is that no man is voluntarily intemperate; but
that the whole multitude of men lack temperance in their lives,
either from ignorance, or from want of self-control, or both. And
the same holds of the diseased and healthy life; they both have
pleasures and pains, but in health the pleasure exceeds the pain,
and in sickness the pain exceeds the pleasure. Now our intention
in choosing the lives is not that the painful should exceed, but
the life in which pain is exceeded by pleasure we have determined
to be the more pleasant life. And we should say that the
temperate life has the elements both of pleasure and pain fewer
and smaller and less frequent than the intemperate, and the wise
life than the foolish life, and the life of courage than the life
of cowardice; one of each pair exceeding in pleasure and the
other in pain, the courageous surpassing the cowardly, and the
wise exceeding the foolish. And so the one dass of lives exceeds
the other class in pleasure; the temperate and courageous and
wise and healthy exceed the cowardly and foolish and intemperate
and diseased lives; and generally speaking, that which has any
virtue, whether of body or soul, is pleasanter than the vicious
life, and far superior in beauty and rectitude and excellence and
reputation, and causes him who lives accordingly to be infinitely
happier than the opposite.
Enough of the preamble; and now the laws should follow; or, to
speak more correctly, outline of them. As, then, in the case of a
web or any other tissue, the warp and the woof cannot be made of
the same materials, but the warp is necessarily superior as being
stronger, and having a certain character of firmness, whereas the
woof is softer and has a proper degree of elasticity;-in a
similar manner those who are to hold great offices in states,
should be distinguished truly in each case from those who have
been but slenderly proven by education. Let us suppose that there
are two parts in the constitution of a state-one the creation of
offices, the other the laws which are assigned to them to
administer.
But, before all this, comes the following consideration:-The
shepherd or herdsman, or breeder of horses or the like, when he
has received his animals will not begin to train them until he
has first purified them in a manner which befits a community of
animals; he will divide the healthy and unhealthy, and the good
breed and the bad breed, and will send away the unhealthy and
badly bred to other herds, and tend the rest, reflecting that his
labours will be vain and have no effect, either on the souls or
bodies of those whom nature and ill nurture have corrupted, and
that they will involve in destruction the pure and healthy nature
and being of every other animal, if he should neglect to purify
them. Now the case of other animals is not so important-they are
only worth introducing for the sake of illustration; but what
relates to man is of the highest importance; and the legislator
should make enquiries, and indicate what is proper for each one
in the way of purification and of any other procedure. Take, for
example, the purification of a city-there are many kinds of
purification, some easier and others more difficult; and some of
them, and the best and most difficult of them, the legislator, if
he be also a despot, may be able to effect; but the legislator,
who, not being a despot, sets up a new government and laws, even
if he attempt the mildest of purgations, may think himself happy
if he can complete his work. The best kind of purification is
painful, like similar cures in medicine, involving righteous
punishment and inflicting death or exile in the last resort. For
in this way we commonly dispose of great sinners who are
incurable, and are the greatest injury of the whole state. But
the milder form of purification is as follows:-when men who have
nothing, and are in want of food, show a disposition to follow
their leaders in an attack on the property of the rich-these, who
are the natural plague of the state, are sent away by the
legislator in a friendly spirit as far as he is able; and this
dismissal of them is euphemistically termed a colony. And every
legislator should contrive to do this at once. Our present case,
however, is peculiar. For there is no need to devise any colony
or purifying separation under the circumstances in which we are
placed. But as, when many streams flow together from many
sources, whether springs or mountain torrents, into a single
lake, we ought to attend and take care that the confluent waters
should be perfectly clear, and in order to effect this, should
pump and draw off and divert impurities, so in every political
arrangement there may be trouble and danger. But, seeing that we
are now only discoursing and not acting, let our selection be
supposed to be completed, and the desired purity attained.
Touching evil men, who want to join and be citizens of our state,
after we have tested them by every sort of persuasion and for a
sufficient time, we will prevent them from coming; but the good
we will to the utmost of our ability receive as friends with open
arms.
Another piece of good fortune must not be forgotten, which, as
we were saying, the Heraclid colony had, and which is also ours-that
we have escaped division of land and the abolition of debts; for
these are always a source of dangerous contention, and a city
which is driven by necessity to legislate upon such matters can
neither allow the old ways to continue, nor yet venture to alter
them. We must have recourse to prayers, so to speak, and hope
that a slight change may be cautiously effected in a length of
time. And such a change can be accomplished by those who have
abundance of land, and having also many debtors, are willing, in
a kindly spirit, to share with those who are in want, sometimes
remitting and sometimes giving, holding fast in a path of
moderation, and deeming poverty to be the increase of a man's
desires and not the diminution of his property. For this is the
great beginning of salvation to a state, and upon this lasting
basis may be erected afterwards whatever political order is
suitable under the circumstances; but if the change be based upon
an unsound principle, the future administration of the country
will be full of difficulties. That is a danger which, as I am
saying, is escaped by us, and yet we had better say how, if we
had not escaped, we might have escaped; and we may venture now to
assert that no other way of escape, whether narrow or broad, can
be devised but freedom from avarice and a sense of justice-upon
this rock our city shall be built; for there ought to be no
disputes among citizens about property. If there are quarrels of
long standing among them, no legislator of any degree of sense
will proceed a step in the arrangement of the state until they
are settled. But that they to whom God has given, as he has to
us, to be the founders of a new state as yet free from enmity-that
they should create themselves enmities by their mode of
distributing lands and houses, would be superhuman folly and
wickedness.
How then can we rightly order the distribution of the land? In
the first place, the number of the citizens has to be determined,
and also the number and size of the divisions into which they
will have to be formed; and the land and the houses will then
have to be apportioned by us as fairly as we can. The number of
citizens can only be estimated satisfactorily in relation to the
territory and the neighbouring states. The territory must be
sufficient to maintain a certain number of inhabitants in a
moderate way of life-more than this is not required; and the
number of citizens should be sufficient to defend themselves
against the injustice of their neighbours, and also to give them
the power of rendering efficient aid to their neighbours when
they are wronged. After having taken a survey of theirs and their
neighbours' territory, we will determine the limits of them in
fact as well as in theory. And now, let us proceed to legislate
with a view to perfecting the form and outline of our state. The
number of our citizens shall be 5040-this will be a convenient
number; and these shall be owners of the land and protectors of
the allotment. The houses and the land will be divided in the
same way, so that every man may correspond to a lot. Let the
whole number be first divided into two parts, and then into
three; and the number is further capable of being divided into
four or five parts, or any number of parts up to ten. Every
legislator ought to know so much arithmetic as to be able to tell
what number is most likely to be useful to all cities; and we are
going to take that number which contains the greatest and most
regular and unbroken series of divisions. The whole of number has
every possible division, and the number 5040 can be divided by
exactly fifty-nine divisors, and ten of these proceed without
interval from one to ten: this will furnish numbers for war and
peace, and for all contracts and dealings, including taxes and
divisions of the land. These properties of number should be
ascertained at leisure by those who are bound by law to know
them; for they are true, and should be proclaimed at the
foundation of the city, with a view to use. Whether the
legislator is establishing a new state or restoring an old and
decayed one, in respect of Gods and temples-the temples which are
to be built in each city, and the Gods or demi-gods after whom
they are to be called-if he be a man of sense, he will make no
change in anything which the oracle of Delphi, or Dodona, or the
God Ammon, or any ancient tradition has sanctioned in whatever
manner, whether by apparitions or reputed inspiration of Heaven,
in obedience to which mankind have established sacrifices in
connection with mystic rites, either originating on the spot, or
derived from Tyrrhenia or Cyprus or some other place, and on the
strength of which traditions they have consecrated oracles and
images, and altars and temples, and portioned out a sacred domain
for each of them. The least part of all these ought not to be
disturbed by the legislator; but he should assign to the several
districts some God, or demi-god, or hero, and, in the
distribution of the soil, should give to these first their chosen
domain and all things fitting, that the inhabitants of the
several districts may meet at fixed times, and that they may
readily supply their various wants, and entertain one another
with sacrifices, and become friends and acquaintances; for there
is no greater good in a state than that the citizens should be
known to one another. When not light but darkness and ignorance
of each other's characters prevails among them, no one will
receive the honour of which he is deserving, or the power or the
justice to which he is fairly entitled: wherefore, in every
state, above all things, every man should take heed that he have
no deceit in him, but that he be always true and simple; and that
no deceitful person take any advantage of him.
The next move in our pastime of legislation, like the
withdrawal of the stone from the holy line in the game of
draughts, being an unusual one, will probably excite wonder when
mentioned for the first time. And yet, if a man will only reflect
and weigh the matter with care, he will see that our city is
ordered in a manner which, if not the best, is the second best.
Perhaps also some one may not approve this form, because he
thinks that such a constitution is ill adapted to a legislator
who has not despotic power. The truth is, that there are three
forms of government, the best, the second and the third best,
which we may just mention, and then leave the selection to the
ruler of the settlement. Following this method in the present
instance, let us speak of the states which are respectively
first, second, and third in excellence, and then we will leave
the choice to Cleinias now, or to any one else who may hereafter
have to make a similar choice among constitutions, and may desire
to give to his state some feature which is congenial to him and
which he approves in his own country.
The first and highest form of the state and of the government
and of the law is that in which there prevails most widely the
ancient saying, that "Friends have all things in common."
Whether there is anywhere now, or will ever be, this communion of
women and children and of property, in which the private and
individual is altogether banished from life, and things which are
by nature private, such as eyes and ears and hands, have become
common, and in some way see and hear and act in common, and all
men express praise and blame and feel joy and sorrow on the same
occasions, and whatever laws there are unite the city to the
utmost-whether all this is possible or not, I say that no man,
acting upon any other principle, will ever constitute a state
which will be truer or better or more exalted in virtue. Whether
such a state is governed by Gods or sons of Gods, one, or more
than one, happy are the men who, living after this manner, dwell
there; and therefore to this we are to look for the pattern of
the state, and to cling to this, and to seek with all our might
for one which is like this. The state which we have now in hand,
when created, will be nearest to immortality and the only one
which takes the second place; and after that, by the grace of
God, we will complete the third one. And we will begin by
speaking of the nature and origin of the second.
Let the citizens at once distribute their land and houses, and
not till the land in common, since a community of goods goes
beyond their proposed origin, and nurture, and education. But in
making the distribution, let the several possessors feel that
their particular lots also belong to the whole city; and seeing
that the earth is their parent, let them tend her more carefully
than children do their mother. For she is a goddess and their
queen, and they are her mortal subjects. Such also are the
feelings which they ought to entertain to the Gods and demi-gods
of the country. And in order that the distribution may always
remain, they ought to consider further that the present number of
families should be always retained, and neither increased nor
diminished. This may be secured for the whole city in the
following manner:-Let the possessor of a lot leave the one of his
children who is his best beloved, and one only, to be the heir of
his dwelling, and his successor in the duty of ministering to the
Gods, the state and the family, as well the living members of it
as those who are departed when he comes into the inheritance; but
of his other children, if he have more than one, he shall give
the females in marriage according to the law to be hereafter
enacted, and the males he shall distribute as sons to those
citizens who have no children and are disposed to receive them;
or if there should be none such, and particular individuals have
too many children, male or female, or too few, as in the case of
barrenness-in all these cases let the highest and most honourable
magistracy created by us judge and determine what is to be done
with the redundant or deficient, and devise a means that the
number of 5040 houses shall always remain the same. There are
many ways of regulating numbers; for they in whom generation is
affluent may be made to refrain, and, on the other hand, special
care may be taken to increase the number of births by rewards and
stigmas, or we may meet the evil by the elder men giving advice
and administering rebuke to the younger-in this way the object
may be attained. And if after all there be very great difficulty
about the equal preservation of the 5040 houses, and there be an
excess of citizens, owing to the too great love of those who live
together, and we are at our wits' end, there is still the old
device often mentioned by us of sending out a colony, which will
part friends with us, and be composed of suitable persons. If, on
the other hand, there come a wave bearing a deluge of disease, or
a plague of war, and the inhabitants become much fewer than the
appointed number by reason of bereavement, we ought not to
introduce citizens of spurious birth and education, if this can
be avoided; but even God is said not to be able to fight against
necessity.
Wherefore let us suppose this "high argument" of
ours to address us in the following terms:-Best of men, cease not
to honour according to nature similarity and equality and
sameness and agreement, as regards number and every good and
noble quality. And, above all, observe the aforesaid number 5040
throughout life; in the second place, do not disparage the small
and modest proportions of the inheritances which you received in
the distribution, by buying and selling them to one another. For
then neither will the God who gave you the lot be your friend,
nor will the legislator; and indeed the law declares to the
disobedient that these are the terms upon which he may or may not
take the lot. In the first place, the earth as he is informed is
sacred to the Gods; and in the next place, priests and
priestesses will offer up prayers over a first, and second, and
even a third sacrifice, that he who buys or sells the houses or
lands which he has received, may suffer the punishment which he
deserves; and these their prayers they shall write down in the
temples, on tablets of cypress-wood, for the instruction of
posterity. Moreover they will set a watch over all these things,
that they may be observed;-the magistracy which has the sharpest
eyes shall keep watch that any infringement of these commands may
be discovered and punished as offences both against the law and
the God. How great is the benefit of such an ordinance to all
those cities, which obey and are administered accordingly, no bad
man can ever know, as the old proverb says; but only a man of
experience and good habits. For in such an order of things there
will not be much opportunity for making money; no man either
ought, or indeed will be allowed, to exercise any ignoble
occupation, of which the vulgarity is a matter of reproach to a
freeman, and should never want to acquire riches by any such
means.
Further, the law enjoins that no private man shall be allowed
to possess gold and silver, but only coin for daily use, which is
almost necessary in dealing with artisans, and for payment of
hirelings, whether slaves or immigrants, by all those persons who
require the use of them. Wherefore our citizens, as we say,
should have a coin passing current among themselves, but not
accepted among the rest of mankind; with a view, however, to
expeditions and journeys to other lands-for embassies, or for any
other occasion which may arise of sending out a herald, the state
must also possess a common Hellenic currency. If a private person
is ever obliged to go abroad, let him have the consent of the
magistrates and go; and if when he returns he has any foreign
money remaining, let him give the surplus back to the treasury,
and receive a corresponding sum in the local currency. And if he
is discovered to appropriate it, let it be confiscated, and let
him who knows and does not inform be subject to curse and
dishonour equally him who brought the money, and also to a fine
not less in amount than the foreign money which has been brought
back. In marrying and giving in marriage, no one shall give or
receive any dowry at all; and no one shall deposit money with
another whom he does not trust as a friend, nor shall he lend
money upon interest; and the borrower should be under no
obligation to repay either capital or interest. That these
principles are best, any one may see who compares them with the
first principle and intention of a state. The intention, as we
affirm, of a reasonable statesman, is not what the many declare
to be the object of a good legislator, namely, that the state for
the true interests of which he is advising should be as great and
as rich as possible, and should possess gold and silver, and have
the greatest empire by sea and land;-this they imagine to be the
real object of legislation, at the same time adding,
inconsistently, that the true legislator desires to have the city
the best and happiest possible. But they do not see that some of
these things are possible, and some of them are impossible; and
he who orders the state will desire what is possible, and will
not indulge in vain wishes or attempts to accomplish that which
is impossible. The citizen must indeed be happy and good, and the
legislator will seek to make him so; but very rich and very good
at the same time he cannot be, not, at least, in the sense in
which the many speak of riches. For they mean by "the rich"
the few who have the most valuable possessions, although the
owner of them may quite well be a rogue. And if this is true, I
can never assent to the doctrine that the rich man will be happy-he
must be good as well as rich. And good in a high degree, and rich
in a high degree at the same time, he cannot be. Some one will
ask, why not? And we shall answer-Because acquisitions which come
from sources which are just and unjust indifferently, are more
than double those which come from just sources only; and the sums
which are expended neither honourably nor disgracefully, are only
half as great as those which are expended honourably and on
honourable purposes. Thus, if the one acquires double and spends
half, the other who is in the opposite case and is a good man
cannot possibly be wealthier than he. The first-I am speaking of
the saver and not of the spender-is not always bad; he may indeed
in some cases be utterly bad, but, as I was saying, a good man he
never is. For he who receives money unjustly as well as justly,
and spends neither nor unjustly, will be a rich man if he be also
thrifty. On the other hand, the utterly bad is in general
profligate, and therefore very poor; while he who spends on noble
objects, and acquires wealth by just means only, can hardly be
remarkable for riches, any more than he can be very poor. Our
statement, then, is true, that the very rich are not good, and,
if they are not good, they are not happy. But the intention of
our laws was that the citizens should be as happy as may be, and
as friendly as possible to one another. And men who are always at
law with one another, and amongst whom there are many wrongs
done, can never be friends to one another, but only those among
whom crimes and lawsuits are few and slight. Therefore we say
that gold and silver ought not to be allowed in the city, nor
much of the vulgar sort of trade which is carried on by lending
money, or rearing the meaner kinds of live stock; but only the
produce of agriculture, and only so much of this as will not
compel us in pursuing it to neglect that for the sake of which
riches exist-I mean, soul and body, which without gymnastics, and
without education, will never be worth anything; and therefore,
as we have said not once but many times, the care of riches
should have the last place in our thoughts. For there are in all
three things about which every man has an interest; and the
interest about money, when rightly regarded, is the third and
lowest of them: midway comes the interest of the body; and, first
of all, that of the soul; and the state which we are describing
will have been rightly constituted if it ordains honours
according to this scale. But if, in any of the laws which have
been ordained, health has been preferred to temperance, or wealth
to health and temperate habits, that law must clearly be wrong.
Wherefore, also, the legislator ought often to impress upon
himself the question-"What do I want?" and "Do I
attain my aim, or do I miss the mark?" In this way, and in
this way only, he ma acquit himself and free others from the work
of legislation.
Let the allottee then hold his lot upon the conditions which
we have mentioned.
It would be well that every man should come to the colony
having all things equal; but seeing that this is not possible,
and one man will have greater possessions than another, for many
reasons and in particular in order to preserve equality in
special crises of the state, qualifications of property must be
unequal, in order that offices and contributions and
distributions may be proportioned to the value of each person's
wealth, and not solely to the virtue of his ancestors or himself,
nor yet to the strength and beauty of his person, but also to the
measure of his wealth or poverty; and so by a law of inequality,
which will be in proportion to his wealth, he will receive
honours and offices as equally as possible, and there will be no
quarrels and disputes. To which end there should be four
different standards appointed according to the amount of property:
there should be a first and a second and a third and a fourth
class, in which the citizens will be placed, and they will be
called by these or similar names: they may continue in the same
rank, or pass into another in any individual case, on becoming
richer from being, poorer, or poorer from being richer. The form
of law which I should propose as the natural sequel would be as
follows:-In a state which is desirous of being saved from the
greatest of all plagues-not faction, but rather distraction;-here
should exist among the citizens neither extreme poverty, nor,
again, excess of wealth, for both are productive of both these
evils. Now the legislator should determine what is to be the
limit of poverty or wealth. Let the limit of poverty be the value
of the lot; this ought to be preserved, and no ruler, nor any one
else who aspires after a reputation for virtue, will allow the
lot to be impaired in any case. This the legislator gives as a
measure, and he will permit a man to acquire double or triple, or
as much as four times the amount of this. But if a person have
yet greater riches, whether he has found them, or they have been
given to him, or he has made them in business, or has acquired by
any stroke of fortune that which is in excess of the measure, if
he give back the surplus to the state, and to the Gods who are
the patrons of the state, he shall suffer no penalty or loss of
reputation; but if he disobeys this our law any one who likes may
inform against him and receive half the value of the excess, and
the delinquent shall pay a sum equal to the excess out of his own
property, and the other half of the excess shall belong to the
Gods. And let every possession of every man, with the exception
of the lot, be publicly registered before the magistrates whom
the law appoints, so that all suits about money may be easy and
quite simple.
The next thing to be noted is, that the city should be placed
as nearly as possible in the centre of the country; we should
choose a place which possesses what is suitable for a city, and
this may easily be imagined and described. Then we will divide
the city into twelve portions, first founding temples to Hestia,
to Zeus and to Athene, in a spot which we will call the
Acropolis, and surround with a circular wall, making the division
of the entire city and country radiate from this point. The
twelve portions shall be equalized by the provision that those
which are of good land shall be smaller. while those of inferior
quality shall be larger. The number of the lots shall be 5040,
and each of them shall be divided into two, and every allotment
shall be composed of two such sections; one of land near the
city, the other of land which is at a distance. This arrangement
shall be carried out in the following manner: The section which
is near the city shall be added to that which is on borders, and
form one lot, and the portion which is next nearest shall be
added to the portion which is next farthest; and so of the rest.
Moreover, in the two sections of the lots the same principle of
equalization of the soil ought to be maintained; the badness and
goodness shall be compensated by more and less. And the
legislator shall divide the citizens into twelve parts, and
arrange the rest of their property, as far as possible, so as to
form twelve equal parts; and there shall be a registration of all.
After this they shall assign twelve lots to twelve Gods, and call
them by their names, and dedicate to each God their several
portions, and call the tribes after them. And they shall
distribute the twelve divisions of the city in the same way in
which they divided the country; and every man shall have two
habitations, one in the centre of the country, and the other at
the extremity. Enough of the manner of settlement.
Now we ought by all means to consider that there can never be
such a happy concurrence of circumstances as we have described;
neither can all things coincide as they are wanted. Men who will
not take offence at such a mode of living together, and will
endure all their life long to have their property fixed at a
moderate limit, and to beget children in accordance with our
ordinances, and will allow themselves to be deprived of gold and
other things which the legislator, as is evident from these
enactments, will certainly forbid them; and will endure, further,
the situation of the land with the city in the middle and
dwellings round about;-all this is as if the legislator were
telling his dreams, or making a city and citizens of wax. There
is truth in these objections, and therefore every one should take
to heart what I am going to say. Once more, then, the legislator
shall appear and address us:-"O my friends," he will
say to us, "do not suppose me ignorant that there is a
certain degree of truth in your words; but I am of opinion that,
in matters which are not present but future, he who exhibits a
pattern of that at which he aims, should in nothing fall short of
the fairest and truest; and that if he finds any part of this
work impossible of execution he should avoid and not execute it,
but he should contrive to carry out that which is nearest and
most akin to it; you must allow the legislator to perfect his
design, and when it is perfected, you should join with him in
considering what part of his legislation is expedient and what
will arouse opposition; for surely the artist who is to be deemed
worthy of any regard at all, ought always to make his work self-consistent."
Having determined that there is to be a distribution into
twelve parts, let us now see in what way this may be accomplished.
There is no difficulty in perceiving that the twelve parts admit
of the greatest number of divisions of that which they include,
or in seeing the other numbers which are consequent upon them,
and are produced out of them up to 5040; wherefore the law ought
to order phratries and demes and villages, and also military
ranks and movements, as well as coins and measures, dry and
liquid, and weights, so as to be commensurable and agreeable to
one another. Nor should we fear the appearance of minuteness, if
the law commands that all the vessels which a man possesses
should have a common measure, when we consider generally that the
divisions and variations of numbers have a use in respect of all
the variations of which they are susceptible, both in themselves
and as measures of height and depth, and in all sounds, and in
motions, as well those which proceed in a straight direction,
upwards or downwards, as in those which go round and round. The
legislator is to consider all these things and to bid the
citizens, as far as possible, not to lose sight of numerical
order; for no single instrument of youthful education has such
mighty power, both as regards domestic economy and politics, and
in the arts, as the study of arithmetic. Above all, arithmetic
stirs up him who is by nature sleepy and dull, and makes him
quick to learn, retentive, shrewd, and aided by art divine he
makes progress quite beyond his natural powers. All such things,
if only the legislator, by other laws and institutions, can
banish meanness and covetousness from the souls of men, so that
they can use them properly and to their own good, will be
excellent and suitable instruments of education. But if he
cannot, he will unintentionally create in them, instead of
wisdom, the habit of craft, which evil tendency may be observed
in the Egyptians and Phoenicians, and many other races, through
the general vulgarity of their pursuits and acquisitions, whether
some unworthy legislator theirs has been the cause, or some
impediment of chance or nature. For we must not fail to observe,
O Megillus and Cleinias, that there is a difference in places,
and that some beget better men and others worse; and we must
legislate accordingly. Some places are subject to strange and
fatal influences by reason of diverse winds and violent heats,
some by reason of waters; or, again, from the character of the
food given by the earth, which not only affects the bodies of men
for good or evil, but produces similar results in their souls.
And in all such qualities those spots excel in which there is a
divine inspiration, and in which the demi-gods have their
appointed lots, and are propitious, not adverse, to the settlers
in them. To all these matters the legislator, if he have any
sense in him, will attend as far as man can, and frame his laws
accordingly. And this is what you, Cleinias, must do, and to
matters of this kind you must turn your mind since you are going
to colonize a new country.
Cleinias. Your words, Athenian Stranger, are excellent, and I
will do as you say.
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